For weeks, the Bush administration has claimed it has many partners in its anti-Iraq "coalition of the willing."
The cacophony of the coming war threatens to drown out any reflective debate on President Bush's budget proposal for Fiscal Year 2004.
It was only in the 1990s that Qaddafi began to change his ways. A combination of bilateral U.S. sanctions, quiet diplomacy, and a multilateral UN sanctions regime played a major role in the shift in Libyan foreign policy.
We can do all the things that need to be done within the defense budget without increasing spending, thus relieving pressure on other federal initiatives, provided that we are willing to make the necessary choices.
With or without UN authorization and support, the United States remains adamant that Saddam Hussein and his regime will be removed from power.
This is why free people in the United States and around the world must work even harder to stop President Bush from invading Iraq.
That path, of course, would be a long one, and full of surprises. But unlike the path that the Cheney team would have us think inevitable, it would open into a future worth having.
As long as Iraq cooperates with the inspectors and complies with their requirements, it seems wrong-headed to launch a war whose ostensible objective is the same as the inspectors': to disarm Iraq.
There is skepticism around Bush's plan to prevent HIV infections, as stated in his latest State of the Union address.
Before the American public starts applauding the administration's newfound commitment to assembling an international coalition to attack Iraq, it should put the partners' participation in perspective.