Regions / Middle East & North Africa
During the past two years our government has taken us resolutely on a march in the opposite direction.
It was only in the 1990s that Qaddafi began to change his ways. A combination of bilateral U.S. sanctions, quiet diplomacy, and a multilateral UN sanctions regime played a major role in the shift in Libyan foreign policy.
For weeks, the Bush administration has claimed it has many partners in its anti-Iraq "coalition of the willing."
Bush administration seemed unduly impatient with the delay caused by the need for additional UN Security Council (UNSC) debate.
With or without UN authorization and support, the United States remains adamant that Saddam Hussein and his regime will be removed from power.
This is why free people in the United States and around the world must work even harder to stop President Bush from invading Iraq.
As long as Iraq cooperates with the inspectors and complies with their requirements, it seems wrong-headed to launch a war whose ostensible objective is the same as the inspectors': to disarm Iraq.
Afghanistan and Iraq, wracked by decades of conflict and deprivation, require intensive, long-term, and durable commitments of international support.
Before the American public starts applauding the administration's newfound commitment to assembling an international coalition to attack Iraq, it should put the partners' participation in perspective.
If Secretary of State Colin Powell, British Prime Minister Tony Blair, the U.S. public, and other moderates ever had any doubts about the extent to which the most hard-line hawks have captured U.S. foreign policy, President George W. Bush's Wednesday nigh