Taiwan stands today as living proof that Chinese civilization and liberal democracy aren’t mutually exclusive—a rebuke to Beijing’s authoritarian capitalism that grows sharper with each passing election. From its transformation after 38 years of martial law to a vibrant civil society that conducted the Sunflower Movement of 2014, Taiwan represents something Beijing fears most: a Chinese democracy that flourishes.

Consider the evidence: a free press ranking higher than the United States in global indices, a world-leading national healthcare system, and a digital democracy pioneered by figures like Audrey Tang that’s revolutionizing citizen participation.

The 23-million-strong democracy faces perhaps its gravest test since the Third Taiwan Strait Crisis of 1995-96, when Chinese missile tests in the Taiwan Strait prompted President Bill Clinton to dispatch two carrier groups. Trump’s election victory impels Taiwan to square up to an unpalatable reality. American support, the linchpin of its de facto independence since the Taiwan Relations Act of 1979, may prove as tenuous as Trump’s own political whims. Even Taiwan’s staunchest supporters in Congress discreetly articulate reservations about maintaining consistent policy under a second Trump administration.

The Fragility of Strategic Dependence

The metrics paint a vivid picture. Taiwan’s defense relies on American arms sales: $18.27 billion worth under Trump’s first term alone, including F-16V fighters, M1A2T Abrams tanks, and advanced missile systems. Its economy remains inextricably linked to the United States, with bilateral trade hitting $160 billion in 2022. Most significantly, TSMC’s dominance in semiconductor manufacturing (92 percent of advanced chips globally) has recast Taiwan from a security concern into a vital strategic asset. When Morris Chang, TSMC’s founder, speaks of building new facilities in Arizona, global markets listen.

Certain observers may claim that this technological leverage ensures American backing irrespective of who occupies the Oval Office. Nevertheless, past events demonstrate that economic connections alone fail to secure political loyalty. The considerable economic ties between the United States and Mainland China have not prevented the two countries from butting heads militarily and economically.

Trump’s first term brought to light the instability of U.S.-Taiwan ties. Despite the Taiwan Travel Act and unprecedented direct contact, his administration’s capricious China policy left Taipei in limbo. Would he trade Taiwan’s interests for a trade deal with Beijing? His handling of Hong Kong—initially supportive rhetoric followed by effective abandonment as protests were crushed under the National Security Law—offers a chilling precedent. Local democracy advocates still bitterly recall Trump’s praise for Xi Jinping before, during, and after the crackdown.

Historical parallels are too glaring to discard. In the 1970s, Nixon’s opening to China came at Taiwan’s expense. It was expelled from the UN, and diplomatic recognition was stripped away. In 1978, Carter’s normalization with Beijing amplified Taipei’s isolation. At every turn, Taiwan recalibrated and thrived. Nonetheless, those changes occurred within a foreseeable strategic context. Trump’s volatility generates a novel kind of unpredictability. Imagine, for instance, a late-night tweet that undoes decades of strategic ambiguity.

Regional and Global Stakes

Taiwan’s fate is also dependent on the regional balance of power. Japan, burned by China’s rare earth embargo of 2010, monitors Taiwan’s semiconductor industry with strategic interest. South Korea, despite intermittent discord over fishing rights and historical issues, acknowledges that Taiwan’s subjugation would dramatically reconfigure regional geopolitics. Vietnam, increasingly assertive in the South China Sea, identifies Taiwan’s pushback to mainland pressure as analogous to its own strategic predicament.

The state of affairs in Congress compounds the negative forecast. A Republican Party that once championed Taiwan’s democracy—who can forget Jesse Helms’ passionate defenses in the Senate?— now splinters between traditional security hawks and neo-isolationists who question any foreign commitment. When a kindred democratic partner like Ukraine, also combating authoritarian aggression, faces congressional pushback to its requests for U.S. aid, how firm can Taiwan expect American support to remain? The recent resignation of Mike Gallagher, the Wisconsin Republican who was chair of the House Select Committee on China and a strong Taiwan advocate, symbolizes this institutional erosion.

President Lai’s administration responds with a strategy born of historical necessity. Like the “Go South” policy of the 1990s that reduced economic dependence on China, today’s diplomatic diversification aims to create multiple centers of support. Japan, valuing the indispensability of Taiwan’s semiconductor industry, augments economic partnerships, such as the recent $3.5 billion TSMC facility in Kumamoto. European democracies, awakened to technological dependencies by the Ukraine war, established a landmark investment agreement with Taiwan in 2023,  which points to a substantial rethinking in European calculations.

Skeptics argue that this diversification strategy is insufficient against China’s growing power. After all, Beijing’s military budget exceeded $296 billion in 2023, with sophisticated A2/AD capabilities specifically designed to deter American intervention. The People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) now operates three aircraft carriers, while Taiwan’s military struggles with recruitment and training issues despite increased defense spending.

Yet Taiwan’s defenders point to Ukraine’s resistance as proof that determined democracies can resist larger authoritarian neighbors. Taiwan’s geography—surrounded by what Douglas MacArthur called “an unsinkable aircraft carrier” of water—provides natural defensive advantages Ukraine lacked. Its technological edge, especially in cybersecurity and semiconductor manufacturing, offers asymmetric leverage.

A Test Case for Democracy in Asia

For those who cherish democracy in Asia, Taiwan’s situation should raise red flags. It peacefully threw off authoritarian rule, constructed robust democratic institutions, protected minority rights (including indigenous peoples’ representation in parliament), and legalized same-sex marriage before any other Asian nation. Its 2024 election saw another peaceful transfer of power—in contrast to Hong Kong’s dismantled democracy, where pro-democracy legislators now languish in prison under Beijing’s National Security Law.

The worrying truth is that Taiwan’s democratic achievement may face its greatest threat not from Beijing’s strength, but from Washington’s instability. A Trump presidency prioritizing transactional deals over democracy could compromise decades of assiduous strategic balance. Trump’s praise for authoritarian leaders—from Kim Jong Un to Vladimir Putin—indicates a worldview where Taiwan’s democracy carries marginal weight against great power politics. Reported private comments questioning why the U.S. should defend Taiwan at all send shivers through Taipei’s foreign policy establishment.

What’s at stake transcends Taiwan’s 23 million people. As Japan’s former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe noted before his assassination, Taiwan’s security is Japan’s security. A successful Chinese invasion of Taiwan would transform the strategic equation in the Indo-Pacific, imperiling Japan’s sea lanes and emboldening authoritarian actors across Asia. The First Island Chain would be breached and American credibility in Asia shattered. It would send a message sent that democracies can be swallowed by authoritarian powers, if they’re patient enough.

But the annals of history suggest that Taiwan may prove equal to the task. A society that journeyed from martial law to vibrant democracy, that built world-class technological capabilities from limited resources, that sustained de facto independence notwithstanding diplomatic isolation has frequently defied the odds.

The question for those who value democracy in Asia is clear: is Taiwan’s ordeal not just a strategic issue but a test case for whether liberal democracy can endure in China’s shadow? Trump’s return will make that question more urgent than ever. The answer may determine Taiwan’s fate, but most fundamentally, the future of democracy in Asia itself.

Mitchell Gallagher is a Ph.D. candidate at Wayne State University.