Editor’s Note: This is an excerpt from Phyllis Bennis’ book Understanding the U.S.-Iran Crisis: A Primer.
Editor’s Note: This is an excerpt from Phyllis Bennis’ book Understanding the U.S.-Iran Crisis: A Primer.
If most Americans think Iran and Georgia are the two most volatile flashpoints in the world, one can hardly blame them. The possibility that the Bush administration might strike at Tehran’s nuclear facilities has been hinted about for the past two years, and the White House’s pronouncements on Russia seem like Cold War déjà vu.
“Justice only enters where there is equal power to enforce it … [W]e have a right to rule … the powerful exact what they can, and the weak grant what they must.” While the Bush administration may disagree, this ancient Athenian quote applies equally to the Russian invasion of Georgia on August 8, 2008 and Bush’s invasion of Iraq in 2003. This statement was originally addressed to the leaders and residents of the small Greek island of Melos 2,439 years ago. The Athenians invaded Melos to prevent the possibility of future hostile actions. The Athenians killed all men of military age (about 600 of them) and enslaved the rest. While some may disdain such a brutal approach, others will recognize that this philosophy is the same as the United States under Bush’s, and now Russia’s, approach to modern foreign policy. Over the course of history, states with great power do what they want. If moral reasoning happens to support their action they will use it, but it is not necessary. As seen in Iraq and now in Georgia, states can easily manufacture reasons for military action. This is not new. One of the most infamous uses of Hitler’s intellectuals justified heinous crimes against humanity by publishing thousands of books and articles demonizing Jews and others that they considered to be the children of lesser gods. Reading from the Athenian playbook, the Russians demonized the Georgians by declaring the Georgians to be the aggressors, claiming that they were committing genocide against ethnic Russians. It did not help that the bombastic, reckless leader of Georgia was first to invade the separatist South Ossetians. The two disputed regions — South Ossetia and Abkhazia — were semi-autonomous regions with Russian “peacekeepers” stationed in them. Instead of using diplomatic persuasion and the United Nations to resolve the issues of these semi-autonomous regions in Georgia, the Russians invaded Georgia instead. A few short weeks later the President of Russia, Dmitry Medvedev, announced that Russia was recognizing South Ossetia and Abkhazia’s independence. Seeking their own brand of Athenian justice, the Russians wanted to teach a lesson to the Georgians and send a powerful message to other former Soviet Union countries such as Ukraine. The Russians put on display that their military can exact what they want and the weak Georgians (and other outlying regions) will grant what they must. But the Russians didn’t have to look back to ancient times to learn how to invade another country. In 2003, the United States set a powerful example in demonizing the Iraqi government and many of its people. Bush and his advisers thought they could take Iraq because it was weak and it served their political interests: an important strategic location, oil, Â and a foothold to fight for our allies in the region. Demonizing Saddam Hussein was not hard to do. His earlier invasion of Kuwait mirrored that of Georgia’s military incursion. Like the United States, Russia ignored diplomacy and the UN when it made the rush to war. In both Georgia and Iraq, a sovereign nation was invaded contrary to all international laws with very little support from other nations. But invasions usually do not turn out the way the invaders desire. Russia should remember the lessons from its invasion of Afghanistan. And certainly, the disaster of post-invasion Iraq should serve as a warning to what can easily happen after a “successful” attack. Instead of recognizing that the U.S. war and occupation of Iraq served as a model for Russia, U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice recently denounced Russian’s invasion of Georgia. Rice said, “This is not 1968 and the invasion of Czechoslovakia, where Russia can threaten its neighbors, occupy a capital, overthrow a government, and get away with it.” Our hypocritical policies have never been so starkly evident. The Georgian crisis may only be the first to emulate Bush’s invasion of Iraq in the post-Cold War era. Hopefully our next president will demonstrate that the policies and words of George Bush and Condoleezza Rice are an American aberration, and not an example. The world cannot afford to live by Athenian “justice” anymore.
When pundits talk about the U.S. elections and foreign policy, they focus on Iraq and Iran. But the third member of the infamous “axis of evil” may prove to be just as influential.
"There are no heroes in sports. Athletes today are often referred to as heroes or warriors, when in reality, they’re neither." These are the opening remarks of a speech given in memory of Pat Tillman, a professional football player who gave up his career to join the United States Army shortly after September 11, 2001.
Over the past half decade a broad consensus has emerged among informed observers in the Middle East that recent U.S. policies in the region – from Iraq and Iran to our approach to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, Syria, Hamas, and Hezbollah – have been ill-conceived and executed, and have damaged both America’s standing in the region and prospects for peace and stability in the area. Yet a series of local initiatives this year suggests that an important restructuring of relationships across the region might lead to some resolution to a number of the region’s thorniest problems.
As a journalist who has reported extensively on the death and destruction that is U.S.- occupied Iraq, perhaps I should be happy about the prosecution of former Marine Corps Sergeant Jose Luis Nazario Jr. Standing accused of killing unarmed four detainees in Fallujah in 2004, Nazario is the first Iraq War veteran to be tried for war crimes in a civilian court. His trial, which began in Southern California this week, marks a new chapter in American jurisprudence – with the long arm of the law reaching past the jurisdiction of a military court martial. If convicted of all charges, Nazario could face more than 10 years in prison, according to the Associated Press.
The United States is in a huge foreign policy muddle in the Middle East. It wants to dominate and control Iran but requires the support of the world community to accomplish its aims. Diplomacy and sanctions require only a low level of support. On the other hand, to launch a military attack or green-light one by Israel, the United States needs far more backing.
While overall levels of violence in Iraq have significantly dropped from their peak in 2006, every day seems to bring news of yet another ghastly suicide bombing, only now the bomber often comes in a black abaya, the full-length robe worn by many Iraqi women. For the one deadly number that has risen substantially since the U.S. military "surge" and widely touted adoption of a new "hearts and minds" counterinsurgency strategy in early 2007 has been the dramatic increase in suicide bombings carried out by Iraqi women.
Diplomacy between Iran and the United States has entered the opening gambit stage and Iran appears to be winning at this point.